#Rohingya
My Journey
My name is Mohammad Nowkhim. I am a Rohingya and a genocide survivor. I was born and grew up in Arakan State, Myanmar. I had to leave my country when I was 20 years during August 2017 and become refugee in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh for almost six years. As you know, the Rohingya have been persecuted in Myanmar for decades – since long before I was born. In my lifetime while in Myanmar, I experienced a lot of discrimination. I faced it in educational settings, and in public areas where most people are from other communities, especially Buddhists. There were so many teachers in our school, but most of them were Buddhist teachers. They didn’t teach us properly in class, and they never wanted me to sit in the first row because I was Rohingya I graduated from high school from high school with a good rank in 2014. Despite my high rank, I was not allowed to attend University because I was Rohingya. After 2012, the government of Myanmar totally prohibited Rohingya from attending University. There were no options for us. I was extremely desperate and full of rage. After learning my fate, I was completely broken at that time because I couldn’t fulfil my dream of attending university, all because of the Myanmar government’s discrimination against the Rohingya people. As I grew older, I encountered a world where every human right was denied to me and the Rohingya people. I learned how we were marginalized and discriminated against religiously, socially, and politically, just for being who we are. In Myanmar, I worked as a teacher, but my dreams of attending university were broke due to the government's restriction against the Rohingya people. Education became a battleground for religious and ethnic prejudice. Despite the obstacles, I didn't lose hope. I became a private teacher, offering education to Rohingya students who were denied formal schooling. It was my way of fighting against injustice and ensuring our community's future. The first violence I recall was in 2012. In the aim of establishing the Arakan as a non-Rohingya state, the Myanmar government and the Buddhist politicians started killing Rohingya Muslims. Extremist Buddhist nationalists and politicians used Facebook to spread hateful speech, accusing the Rohingya of being illegal immigrants, invaders, and terrorists. One of the most notorious figures was Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk who led the 969 Movement, an extremist group fixed on marginalizing and demonizing Muslims, particularly the Rohingya. Wirathu and others like him used Facebook to incite violence and spread dangerous lies, fueling hatred and resentment. There are so many individuals as well. From June 2012 to July 2013, hundreds of Rohingya were killed, many villages were attacked and burned, and nearly 200,000 people were displaced, fleeing to makeshift camps. The UN estimates that over 86,000 people have been taken to the sea from the Bay of Bengal during that time. The violence was generated by the tragic rape and murder of Ma Thi Da Htwe, a 26-year-old Rakhine Buddhist woman, in Yanbye by unknow people. Her body was found on May 29, 2012, showing signs of violence. On 25th August 2017, I was at home with my family. My village was in Buthidaung Township, Arakan State, Myanmar. Just before 3:00 am, we heard guns firing from where Battalion 552 is located the southwest of my house, about 1 km distance from my village. We were so scared because we had never heard that kind of noise before. It took from 3:00am to 6:30am for the sound of the guns firing to stop. That morning, we didn't know what was going on. The situation was very bad. The gunfire started again in the daytime at 3:30pm and went through the night. The next morning, police, military and some Buddhist extremist came to our village. And they were arrested people from the roads and some from home, they were punching, kicking, beating them with iron rods and the tail of their guns. I saw this happen with my own eyes. One of my parental grandfathers named, Mohammad Salam, was sitting outside of his house. He was 68 years old. The military and police caught him and beat him like an animal. After beating him, they put handcuffs, kicked, and forced him to walk with them towards the police station of BGP sector 09. His house is about 30 meters away from my house, and we saw all these happening clearly. We have not heard about him since. My family and other villagers left our village and went to another village. We thought that we would stay two or three days and go back home after the situation improved. But the situation became worse day after day. After three days, on 31 August 2017, we went from that village to another village and stayed four days there. We carefully observed the movements of the military and police but they were not stopping the violent attacks against the Rohingya. It was increasing day by day. We decided to start our journey to Bangladesh on the 6th of September 2017. We used unknow ways to come to Bangladesh because military had set up landmines in most of road which usually used. We had to walk through the highest mountain. We crossed over 70 mountains to reach the border of Bangladesh; it took ten days. When we got to the border, we saw the bloody sea on the Myanmar side. The side of the sea was red with blood from an attack in the morning, when Rohingya people were crossing the border. One of my paternal grandfathers was also killed in that attack, named Foyazul Islam. I later saw his body, along with 20 other bodies, in Bortoli graveyard, preparing for the funeral. For six years, I was staying in the world largest refugee camp in Bangladesh. Conditions in the camp were extremely difficult.
Rohingya's Untold Story
Rohingya Vs Facebook (My Involvement in Facebook Case)
Let me take you back to Myanmar. Myanmar, a country with a long history of conflict between its various ethnic groups, but what happened to the Rohingya was different. It wasn’t just conflict it was genocide, an organized campaign of violence that forced over a million of us to flee our homeland. And while this violence was driven by years of discrimination and ethnic tension, it was amplified and fueled by a new and dangerous tool: social media, and more specifically, Facebook.
Myanmar was a country that had been isolated for decades under military rule. But in 2010, it began to open up to the world, and with that came the rapid adoption of technology. Mobile phones and the internet spread like wildfire, and suddenly, a population that had been cut off from the rest of the world was online. Facebook became synonymous with the internet in Myanmar. For most people, it wasn’t just a social media platform; it was their only source of news and information.
This overnight digital revolution seemed like a great opportunity for tech companies like Facebook, eager to tap into new markets. But the problem was, they weren’t prepared for the complexities of a country like Myanmar, with its deep-rooted ethnic tensions and unstable democracy. Facebook’s algorithms, designed to promote engagement and keep users on the platform as long as possible, started to favor the most extreme and sensational content. And in Myanmar, that meant hate speech, lies, and conspiracy theories targeting the Rohingya.
In a country where many people were coming online for the first time, this content spread like wildfire. Extremist Buddhist nationalists and politicians used Facebook to spread hateful rhetoric, accusing the Rohingya of being illegal immigrants, invaders, and terrorists. One of the most notorious figures was Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk who led the 969 Movement, an extremist group fixed on marginalizing and demonizing Muslims, particularly the Rohingya. Wirathu and others like him used Facebook to incite violence and spread dangerous lies, fueling hatred and resentment. There are so many individuals as well.
For years, the Rohingya were demonized on Facebook. Fake stories about Rohingya men raping Burmese women, conspiracy theories about Rohingya storing weapons, and false claims that we were trying to take over the country were shared thousands of times. And because Facebook’s algorithm prioritizes content that generates strong emotions, these posts were promoted and spread rapidly. The more hateful and inflammatory the content, the more visibility it received.
As someone who lived through this, I can tell you how heartbreaking it was to see these lies spread about my people. I saw posts shared by government officials, by Buddhist monks, and by ordinary people, all calling for violence against the Rohingya. I reported these posts, over and over again, but Facebook’s response was always the same: "This does not violate our community standards." They failed to understand—or perhaps they chose to ignore—the gravity of what was happening.
The issue at the heart of this tragedy is not just inattention—it’s the very business model of Facebook. The platform’s algorithms are designed to maximize engagement, and unfortunately, what keeps people engaged is often what divides and angers them the most outrage sells. This is why Facebook’s algorithm tends to promote divisive, inflammatory content because it keeps people clicking, commenting, and sharing. And as we saw in Myanmar, this can have devastating consequences.
The Facebook Papers, leaked by whistleblower Frances Haugen, revealed that Facebook knew about the dangers its platform posed in countries like Myanmar, but it chose to prioritize profits over people. Facebook knew that its platform was being used to spread hate speech and incite violence, but it did not allocate the resources needed to address the problem. In countries like Myanmar, where the company had fewer financial interests, Facebook simply didn’t care enough to intervene.
But the consequences of this inaction were terrible. In 2017, violence against the Rohingya reached a peak, as Myanmar’s military launched a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing. Tens of thousands were killed, women were raped, villages were burned to the ground, and over a million of us were forced to flee to refugee camps in Bangladesh. And while this violence was not caused by Facebook, the platform played a crucial role in amplifying the hatred and disinformation that fueled it.
This is why we are now fighting for justice. Along with other survivors of the Rohingya genocide, I am a plaintiff in a case against Facebook in the Irish High Court. We are seeking accountability for the role Facebook played in facilitating this violence. We have also filed a complaint with the OECD, although our main focus is on the Irish case, as we believe it offers the best chance for meaningful change.
These legal battles are important, but they are not enough. The truth is, holding Big Tech accountable is an incredibly difficult task. The current legal frameworks are not equipped to deal with the scale and complexity of the harm these platforms can cause. This is why we need stronger regulation, and why the European Union has a crucial role to play.
Continoued Genocide in Arakan State
Continued Wave of Genocide Against Rohingya in Arakan
We, the Rohingya community, firmly condemn all human rights abuses against innocent civilians in Myanmar. We specifically denounce the ongoing genocide targeting our vulnerable population by both the military junta and the Arakan Army (AA).
In our report from February 2024, we documented a series of horrific atrocities against the Rohingya community. From January 1 to February 16, we recorded 40 Rohingya killed, 4 abducted, 60 injured, and widespread displacement in areas like Buthidaung, Maung Daw, Kyauktaw, Minbya, and Sittwe.
Our most recent findings, covering February 17 to April 25, 2024, reveal an alarming escalation in violence. Despite communication challenges, we documented:
-114 Rohingya killed, 106 injured, 83 abducted, 460 arbitrary arrests, and Extensive property destruction.
These incidents occurred across regions such as Maung Daw, Buthidaung, Sittwe, Minbya, and Kyauk Phyu, highlighting the grave situation facing our community.
We have accurately documented these heinous atrocities. A report from February 17 and April 27, 2024, expose severe violations of International Humanitarian Law, including massacres, mass graves, and war crimes committed by the Rakhine Army against the Rohingya.
1. Massacre in Hoyasiri Village, Buthidaung (May 2, 2024): Over 113 Rohingya, primarily women and children, were executed and burned in an attack by the Rakhine Army.
2. Mass Slaughter in Northern Ywet Nyo Taung Village, Buthidaung (April 11, 2024): More than 20 Rohingya were killed, their bodies discarded in a mass grave.
3. Abduction and Massacre, Northern Maung Daw (April 17-22, 2024): Five abducted Rohingya were discovered murdered days later.
4. Bombing of Basic Education High School Number 1, Buthidaung (May 4, 2024): An attack killed three Rohingya and injured sixteen as they sought refuge at the school.
5. Bombing of Basic Education High School Number 3, Buthidaung (April 21, 2024): This bombing targeted a shelter for displaced Rohingya, injuring one woman.
6. Destruction of Rohingya Homes (April 12-May 7, 2024): Approximately 5,000 homes were burned down, displacing thousands and leaving many in desperate conditions.
These violations of human rights and International Humanitarian Law demand immediate action. I urge the International Community to initiate an independent investigation into the actions of the Rakhine Army and military against Rohingya. I call on the International Community to establish a safe zone for the protection of Rohingya civilians in Arakan, preventing further loss of innocent lives and ensuring accountability for the perpetrators of these atrocities. Thank you.
Goal Setting and Achievement Plans
First and foremost, Facebook must change its algorithm. It must stop prioritizing engagement at all costs, especially when that engagement comes from promoting harmful content. Facebook should give users more control over what they see on their feed, allowing them to filter out hate speech and disinformation. Users should have the option to turn off the algorithm entirely if they choose.
Secondly, Facebook must be held accountable for the harm it has caused. They should provide compensation to the victims of their platform’s failures, and they should invest in initiatives aimed at preventing the spread of hate speech and disinformation in vulnerable regions.
The European Union can lead the charge in making these changes a reality. The EU’s Digital Services Act is a positive step, but more needs to be done. The EU should require platforms like Facebook to conduct regular impact assessments of their algorithms and make those findings public. If an algorithm is found to disproportionately promote harmful content, it should be revised immediately.
Moreover, the EU should push for greater transparency in how platforms moderate content. Facebook must be more open about how it handles reports of hate speech and violence, and it must be held accountable when it fails to act. Additionally, the export of surveillance technologies to authoritarian regimes must be strictly regulated, as these technologies are often used to suppress minorities and dissidents.
The story of the Rohingya genocide is not just a story about Myanmar—it is a story about the global consequences of unregulated technology. Platforms like Facebook have immense power, and with that power comes responsibility. But so far, they have failed to live up to that responsibility, prioritizing profits over the safety of vulnerable communities.
As we look beyond 2024, the European Union has the opportunity to lead the world in regulating Big Tech and ensuring that platforms are held accountable for the harm they cause. The stakes are too high to do nothing. If we do not act, more communities will suffer, and more lives will be destroyed.
About Me
My name is Mohammed Nowkhim. I am a Rohingya youth and genocide survivor. I am the spokesperson for the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace & Human Rights (ARSPH) which was established in the refugee camp since November 2017. I am also steering committee and Trustee for Asia Pacific Network of Refugee (APNOR), and Chairperson for Refugee Leadership and Participation for Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN). Bedside that I am also leading Rohingya Think Tank Group.
I was born and raised Arakan State, Myanmar. I fled my country in August 2017 due to the genocidal operation against the Rohingya people in Arakan State.
Reach Out to Mohammed Nowkhim
Contact us for personal development guidance in Canada.